Suchergebnisse

En un mundo globalizado, los Estados siguen abrogándose el derecho de monopolizar la regulación de la movilidad humana. En auxilio de esta pretensión se ha activado desde el inicio de la postguerra fría un discurso demagógico que, apoyándose en el comprensible deseo de protección de la gente, genera un estado de prevención general ante la inmigración que desemboca no sólo en políticas migratorias restrictivas, sino incluso en la fortificación de las fronteras mediante muros y vallas. Las fronteras, reforzadas con la justificación de controlar nuevas formas de delincuencia y terrorismo, apenas pueden ocultar su función de barreras frente a quienes huyen de la miseria y la violencia. Su mantenimiento implica apostar por la persistencia de modelos de exclusión y contención que se han demostrado tan injustos como ineficaces. Por el contrario, postular un mundo con fronteras abiertas supone desafiar ese discurso que, a la postre, no hace sino reproducir las desigualdades entre los distintos países. ; Este texto se ha elaborado en el marco del proyecto "Fronteras, democracia y justicia global. Argumentos filosóficos en torno a la emergencia de un espacio cosmopolita" (PGC2018-093656-B-I00), financiado por el Plan Estatal de I+D+i del Gobierno de España. ; Peer reviewed

[DE] The reception history of Carl Schmitt's work can be roughly divided into two stages. While his criticism of liberal democracy was at the centre of interest, after the end of the Cold War the focus shifted to his philosophy of international relations. This article shows that Jürgen Habermas' also closely reads Schmitts Texten closely following these steps. However, instead of naive use and takeover of Schmitt's categories, Habermas has a critical appropriation of its explosive potential. He also expressed great reservations about the key ideas of the so-called 'Cronjus of the Third Empire', in particular the concept of 'politician', which has been widely used in alternative political circles to date. ; [DE] Die Rezeptionsgeschichte des Werks von Carl Schmitt lässt sich grob in zwei Etappen gliedern. Während zunächst seine Kritik an der liberalen Demokratie im Zentrum des Interesses stand, verlagerte sich der Fokus nach dem Ende des Kalten Krieges auf seine Philosophie der internationalen Beziehungen. In diesem Artikel wird gezeigt, dass auch Jürgen Habermas' aufmerksame Lektüre von Schmitts Texten diesen Schritten weitgehend folgt. Statt einer naiven Verwendung und Übernahme Schmitt'scher Kategorien findet sich bei Habermas allerdings eine kritische Aneignung ihres explikativen Potenzials. Darüber hinaus zeigt er große Vorbehalte gegenüber zentralen Ideen des sogenannten »Kronjuristen des Dritten Reiches«. Dies betrifft insbesondere das in alternativen politischen Kreisen bis heute weit verbreitete Konzept des »Politischen«. ; [DE] The reception history of Carl Schmitt's work can be roughly divided into two stages. While his criticism of liberal democracy was at the centre of interest, after the end of the Cold War the focus shifted to his philosophy of international relations. This article shows that Jürgen Habermas' also closely reads Schmitts Texten closely following these steps. However, instead of naive use and takeover of Schmitt's categories, Habermas has a critical appropriation of its explosive ...

[DE] Die Rezeptionsgeschichte des Werks von Carl Schmitt lässt sich grob in zwei Etappen gliedern. Während zunächst seine Kritik an der liberalen Demokratie im Zentrum des Interesses stand, verlagerte sich der Fokus nach dem Ende des Kalten Krieges auf seine Philosophie der internationalen Beziehungen. In diesem Artikel wird gezeigt, dass auch Jürgen Habermas' aufmerksame Lektüre von Schmitts Texten diesen Schritten weitgehend folgt. Statt einer naiven Verwendung und Übernahme Schmitt'scher Kategorien findet sich bei Habermas allerdings eine kritische Aneignung ihres explikativen Potenzials. Darüber hinaus zeigt er große Vorbehalte gegenüber zentralen Ideen des sogenannten »Kronjuristen des Dritten Reiches«. Dies betrifft insbesondere das in alternativen politischen Kreisen bis heute weit verbreitete Konzept des »Politischen«. [EN] While initially criticism of liberal democracy was the aspect of Carl Schmitt's work which received attention, since the end of the Cold War interest has shifted towards his philosophy of international relations. Throughout this article it is shown that to a large extent Jürgen Habermas' attentive reading of certain Schmitt texts follows in these steps. Rather than naively using Schmitt's categories, Habermas practices a critical appropriation of his explanatory potential. Nevertheless, he manifests enormous reservations regarding the elongated shadow cast by his ideas and, in particular, by his concept of the political which is so prevalent today in alternative political circles. ; Peer reviewed

[ES] Según el diagnóstico de Habermas, el actual estado de cosas en el mundo se caracterizaría por la paulatina, pero imparable pérdida de protagonismo de los Estados y por la igualmente irreversible marcha hacia una constelación postnacional. Ante este panorama emergente, Habermas señala una vía de respuesta: recuperar el proyecto cosmopolita de Kant y avanzar hacia la constitucionalización de la esfera internacional. Ello implicaría dar un paso adelante hacia la configuración de una teoría democrática postwestfaliana de las relaciones internacionales que sirva de base a la idea de una gobernanza global. ; [EN] According to the diagnosis of Habermas, the current global situation is characterized by the gradual, but steady loss of importance of the States and the also irreversible transition towards a post-national constellation. Given this development, Habermas points out that now there is a chance to recover the cosmopolitan project of Kant and move towards the constitutionalization of the international sphere. This would imply the configuration of a post-westphalian democratic theory of international relations as a basis for the idea of global governance. ; Peer reviewed

[EN] The decline of sovereign power of the national states and the correlative transition to a post-national constellation are among the major trends that characterize the current geopolitical chessboard. This new situation requires a political response with democratic orientation in order to recover the cosmopolitan project and to expedite the juridification of the international sphere. One of the biggest challenges in this regard consists in reconciling the need for global governance of common affairs of humanity with the justified demands for democratic participation and deliberation. ; [ES] El declive del poder soberano de los Estados nacionales y la correlativa entrada en escena de una constelación postnacional constituyen algunas de las grandes tendencias que caracterizan el tablero geopolítico actual. Ante este nuevo contexto referencial, se torna en asunto perentorio tratar de perfilar una respuesta en clave democrática con el fin de recuperar el proyecto cosmopolita y avanzar en la juridificación de la esfera internacional. Una propuesta en esta dirección debe afrontar, en cualquier caso, la dificultad no menor de armonizar la gobernanza global de los asuntos comunes de la humanidad con las irrenunciables exigencias democráticas de participación y deliberación. ; Peer reviewed

This article defends the need of a cosmopolitan perspective within the contemporary debates in Political Philosophy, a perspective from which the demands of distributive justice can be consistently enforced. This point will be addressed in four parts. In a first step, we will present the unavoidable background of contemporary thought about justice: globalization (1). Next, the decidedly state-centered perspective related to the still hegemonic idea of social justice will be highlighted (2). The third part will take note of globalist reactions to the prevailing methodological nationalism (3). And finally, we will emphasize the need to design minimal global institutions that make it possible to implement the universalist requirements of justice with a cosmopolitan slant (4). ; Peer reviewed

[EN] This paper reconsiders the meaning of national borders and its role in the control of migration flows from the perspective of distributive justice. Beyond defining the territory of jurisdiction of each state, borders guarantee the reproduction of the comparative advantages enjoyed by countries with greater economic prosperity and their citizens. Thus, they convert into endemic the disadvantages suffered by the less fortunate. From the perspective of the affected subjects, the way borders function as distributors of resources and welfare can be characterized as a global lottery. That being the case, it becomes a political and moral imperative to find some way, oriented by principles of justice, to overcome the arbitrariness generated by state borders. ; [IT] Obiettivo del saggio è riflettere sul significato dei confini nazionali, e sul loro ruolo in riferimento al controllo delle migrazioni, a partire da una prospettiva di giustizia distributiva. Oltre a definire la giurisdizione territoriale di ciascuno stato, i confini garantiscono la stabilità dei vantaggi di cui godono gli stati con economie fiorenti, così come i loro cittadini. In grazia di ciò, le frontiere rendono endemici gli svantaggi sofferti dai "meno fortunati". Dal punto di vista dei soggetti implicati, il modo in cui i confini garantiscono risorse e benessere assomiglia a una lotteria globale. Dinanzi a tale situazione è obbligatorio individuare un cammino, orientato a principi di giustizia, per abbattere l'arbitrarietà delle condizioni generata semplicemente dall'attuale ruolo delle frontiere. ; Questo articolo è stato redatto nell'ambito del progetto di ricerca finanziato dal governo di Spagna, attraverso il Ministerio de Economía y Competitividad : "Derechos humanos y justicia global en el contexto de las migraciones internacionales" (ffi2013-42521-p). ; Peer reviewed

Este artículo se ha elaborado en el marco de un proyecto de investigación financiado por el Ministerio de Economía y Competitividad: «Derechos humanos y justicia global en el contexto de las migraciones internacionales» (FFI2013-42521-P). ; [ES] La imparable pérdida del poder soberano de los Estados nacionales y el correlativo afloramiento de una constelación postnacional serían dos de las grandes tendencias que, según Habermas, caracterizarían en términos políticos el actual estado de cosas en el mundo. Ante este contexto geopolítico emergente, cuyos lineamientos definitivos aún estarían por definir, Habermas perfila una posible respuesta política en clave democrática: recuperar el proyecto cosmopolita de Kant y avanzar en la juridificación de la esfera internacional. En ese horizonte, compatibilizar la necesidad de una gobernanza global de los asuntos comunes de la humanidad y las exigencias de participación democrática constituye uno de los mayores escollos a salvar. La conformación de una praxis democrática postwestfaliana en concordancia con una estructuración multinivel de las relaciones internacionales podría representar una salida plausible. ; [EN] The steady loss of sovereign power of the national states and the correlative transition to a post-national constellation are, according to Habermas, among the major trends that characterize the current state of affairs in the world in political terms. Against this geopolitical background in which clear guidelines remain to be defined, Habermas outlines a possible political response with a democratic design: he suggests to recover the cosmopolitan project of Kant and to expedite the constitutionalization of the international sphere. One of the biggest challenges in this regard consists in reconciling the need for global governance of common affairs of humanity with demands for democratic participation. The configuration of a post-westphalian democratic practice in accordance with a multi-level structure of international relations could be a plausible solution. ; Peer reviewed

[EN] Civil disobedience is a widespread form of political protest used by minorities to make their voices heard in democratic societies. It is a mechanism of participation in the process of shaping public opinion, and of intervention, by via negativa, in the legislative process. In exercising it, citizens can assert their public autonomy when faced with serious decisions that, from their perspective, undermine the values on which society is based. This form of political dissidence is thus a highly valuable device in order to revitalize the participatory fundamentals of representative democracy. ; [PT] A desobediência civil é uma forma generalizada de protesto político usado pelas minorias para fazer ouvir suas vozes em sociedades democráticas. Trata-se de um mecanismo de participação no processo de formação da opinião pública e de intervenção, via negativa, no processo legislativo. Ao exercê-la, os cidadãos podem afirmar sua autonomia pública diante de decisões sérias que, sob sua perspectiva, minam os valores em que a sociedade se baseia. Esta forma de dissidência política é, portanto, um instrumento altamente valioso para revitalizar os fundamentos participativos da democracia representativa. ; Peer reviewed

* Full title: "Barriers that do not fall. Access to citizenship and the right to vote in a comparative perspective: Germany / Spain". * Presentation in Conference "Border Transgressions" - Bonn Universität (Germany) - 8-9th May 2014 ; Countries that are more apt to grant voting rights to immigrants with legal residency also tend to be more flexible in granting citizenship to such individuals and viceversa. This observation is not surprising in so far as there are normative as well as functional nexuses between both measures so that the arguments for one and the other overlap. From a democratic perspective, two different positions with regard to this issue can be distinguished. The first one holds that priority should be given to facilitating the access to nationality while the question of political rights for foreign residents could be treated as secondary. The second position, in contrast, is based on the idea that the claim for political rights has its own worth and legitimation, and that they should be guaranteed for all people actually living in a society, regardless of their nationality. Germany and Spain, in their respective manner, have each chosen one of these two options. They have done it, however, inconsistently, so that neither exclusions nor discriminations have disappeared. Certainly, they are not the only countries that proceed this way, but there are good justice related reasons to improve this state of affairs. ; Peer reviewed

Research and Training Network on "Applied Global Justice" (HPRN-CT-2002-00231) was supported by the European Commission (5th Framework Programme). ; The universalistic logic of justice and human rights clashes with the particularistic logic of national sovereignty. This contraposition is thrown into sharp relief in the analysis of migration politics. This article provides an argumentation in favor of a flexibilization of the access to citizenship and of the conditions for border crossings as an appropriate institutional framework for the recognition of human rights and the implementation of distributive justice on a global scale. This thesis is developed in four stages by: offering some reasons for overcoming the state-centered focus of the Rawlsian theory of justice (1); describing poverty and the migrations that derive from it as a question of justice (2); analyzing the obstacles that state boundaries present at the moment of implementing a global conception of justice (3); and, finally, arguing in favor of a redefinition of the notion of citizenship that constitutes the normative horizon of migration policy (4). ; Peer reviewed

[ES] A lo largo de este artículo se argumenta la conveniencia de insertar el relato de las migraciones internacionales contemporáneas en un marco conceptual dominado por la noción de justicia global. De este modo, se superaría el nacionalismo metodológico del que adolecen los enfoques teórico-prácticos más comunes sobre la materia, y que imposibilita abordar de manera cabal la complejidad de tales procesos sociales. Su gobernanza implica llevar a cabo modificaciones relevantes institucionales y normativas, así como en el ámbito de la economía política global. ; [EN] This paper discusses the convenience of incorporating the discourse of contemporary international migration processes in a larger conceptual framework dominated by the key concept of global justice. In this way, the methodological nationalism that afflicts the most common theoretical and practical approaches on that subject and impedes properly tackling the complexity of such social processes could be overcome. Their governance implies relevant modifications on the institutional and normative level as well as on the level of global economic politics. ; [PT] Ao longo deste artigo, argumenta-se a conveniência de inserir o relatório das migrações internacionais contemporâneas em um referencial conceitual dominado pela noção de justiça global. Desse modo, seria superado o nacionalismo metodológico do qual adoecem os enfoques teórico-práticos mais comuns sobre a matéria, e que impossibilita abordar de maneira adequada a complexidade desses processos sociais. Sua governança implica realizar modificações relevantes institucionais e normativas, assim como no âmbito da economia política global. ; Peer reviewed

Madrid: Centro de Estudios Políticos y Constitucionales, 2000. Páginas: XVIII (Prólogo de Javier Muguerza) + 237 ; El principal propósito de este libro es mostrar cómo el planteamiento de la teoría discursiva habermasiana puede llegar a aplicarse fructíferamente en los asuntos de interés práctico, no sólo en el mundo moral, sino especialmente en la esfera jurídica y en el ámbito político. Dicho objetivo predetermina la estructura interna del trabajo, que se articula en cinco partes. En la primera sección se presentan aquellos intereses teóricos que como hilos conductores han guiado hasta el momento todo el quehacer teórico de Habermas y que imprimen al mismo una marcada coherencia. A continuación se analizan los principales presupuestos epistemológicos que configuran la concepción comunicativa de la racionalidad desarrollada por este autor y que se encuentran en la base de su comprensión de los discursos prácticos y, en particular, de su visión de la argumentación jurídica. La tercera parte, la sección central de este libro, se ocupa de las razones por las cuales un tratamiento normativo de las cuestiones prácticas tiene que enfrentarse necesariamente con el fenómeno jurídico; de ahí que se ofrezca una justificación de un modelo de relaciones entre el mundo moral y el sistema jurídico en el que prime la complementariedad entre ambas esferas. En la cuarta parte se estudian los motivos por los que una teoría del derecho no puede desatender los aspectos morales y políticos de la racionalidad humana, y no sólo en el nivel de la especulación teórica sino también en el de la actividad práctica: es ahí donde tanto los derechos humanos como la soberanía popular ocupan un lugar destacado. Y por último, en la quinta parte, se ofrece un análisis de las respuestas dadas por la teoría discursiva a algunos retos prácticos del mundo contemporáneo con el objeto de iluminar la acción política. ; Peer reviewed